There can be no meaningful separation between state-building, peace-building, and revival at the end of a conflict, especially as post-conflict state institutions are the only apparatus which can be somewhat directly or indirectly accountable toward their populations for the management of the country.
In reaffirming the U.S. role in the Middle East, anti-terrorism expert Gerald Feierstein explains that it is not enough to just fight violent networks; leaders must also address the root causes of extremism
Reconstruction is never easy, and in Yemen the road will be longer than most. The first step is to pass on “best practice” in favor of a critical, reflexive approach
Extreme instability has prompted a fundamental reconfiguration of the contemporary Middle East; as the old order crumbles, a new one has yet to emerge
With EU and Arab League leaders set to convene a landmark summit for the first time in Sharm El-Sheikh this February, the stakes are high to agree on key issues, including migration, counter-terrorism and steps to end the war in Yemen.
Seeking to expand its influence in the Red Sea, Russia is hoping that mediating internal disputes in Yemen will help make the region more secure.
The strategic role of the United States—and others—in finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Yemen.
Since 2004, internal displacement in Yemen has hit women the hardest. Rather than narrowly focus on life-saving assistance, humanitarian organizations must develop policies with women’s strategic and long-term needs in mind.
The UAE’s growing investment in Yemen’s energy and security infrastructure is increasingly the driving force behind its counterterrorism involvement.
Trump’s Iran policy burns with fury as well as utter incoherence.
Former secretary general of the League of Arab States, Amre Moussa, offers eight recommendations for establishing a new regional order that would see Arab countries end instability and regain control of their futures.
Ali Abdullah Saleh’s death could be the end of the Houthis, or a blessing in disguise. The future course of the Yemeni conflict hinges on whether and how Houthis will prevail without him.
Their ghosts will come back to haunt us one day. There is nothing in the world more frightening than the ghost of a starved child seeking retribution.
A victory in the civil war, by either side, is unlikely to bring peace.
Iranian support for the Houthis has been marginal and does not shape their decision making as much as local alliances and conflict dynamics do.
Along with Saudi Arabia and Iran, Hezbollah and the U.S. risk being pulled further into Yemen’s civil war.
Blaming Saudis and Americans for civilian casualties and growing extremist violence, Yemenis are upping their own media and military campaigns.
The top United Nations human rights official has called for the establishment of an independent body to carry out comprehensive investigations of human rights violations in Yemen.
Saudi Arabia’s campaign in Yemen has boosted popular support for the Houthis and is fueling greater anti-Saudi sentiment.
Saudi Arabia is supporting an ever wider range of Yemeni actors willing to fight the Houthis, but their political ambitions and regionally limited capabilities are at odds with the kingdom’s interest in a unified Yemen.
More than sectarianism or foreign intervention, the civil war is driven by broken politics. In Yemen, the self-interest of leaders creates political dead ends.