Along with Saudi Arabia and Iran, Hezbollah and the U.S. risk being pulled further into Yemen's civil war.
Tag: Syrian civil war
The outcome of military and political developments in Aleppo in the coming months will clarify critical dimensions of the Syria conflict that also reverberate widely across the region.
Syria, Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon, and Iran effectively have to be seen as a single geo-strategic arena in which hundreds of local and national actors engage one another—and many have links to other regional players and global powers.
President Barack Obama needs to square up with the realities of the Middle East.
Warring parties in Syria have weaponized aid by granting or withholding humanitarian access, complicating the work of aid organizations.
The scale, intensity, and persistence of the last five years of nonstop and often barbaric violence reflect the fact that Syria today, as in the past four millennia at least, continues to be a central pivot in the geopolitics of the Middle East and its neighbors.
The Syrian conflict has been alternately exploited and ignored long enough. The world can no longer afford to look the other way.
Long-term stability in Syria requires a process of national self-determination that allows citizens to freely express how they wish to configure their sovereignty and be governed.
This is the moment to shed the ghosts of 1916 by affirming citizen rights in Arab lands, not to perpetuate them by bowing to the dictates of failed authoritarian powers.
The slow, steady, numbing dehumanization of young Syrians measured in hundreds of thousands of lives is mirrored in similar trends in other countries at war in the Arab region.
Working side-by-side with Russian officers in Syria is sure to improve Hezbollah’s offensive fighting capabilities.
That it is Russia and the United States who are signaling future developments in Syria is not a good sign of a stable situation to come.
The Damascus regime's military offensive could ruin already slim chances for a negotiated peace in Syria. A divided opposition and rival great powers further complicate a tricky diplomatic initiative.
President Barack Obama had to deal with a dysfunctional state system and fraying civil societies, as well as blowback from George W. Bush's invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Yet his own actions and inactions throughout two terms of office contributed significantly to the great unraveling of the Middle East.
This week’s most intriguing sign of things to come was the official announcement that Saudi Arabia is willing to provide ground forces to fight “Islamic State” (ISIS) in Syria.
Supporting Kurdish groups in Syria could empower them to play a role in resolving regional conflicts, not just in Syria but also in Iraq and Turkey.
Russia's intervention has intensified the Syrian civil war, drawing both Western and regional powers deeper into a seemingly intractable conflict.
The promise of Western military support and a shared opposition to Russia’s intervention are driving Syrian opposition forces to unite and—for many of them—move away from extremist rhetoric.
The Vienna talks on Syria have produced an important agreement that clearly signals one thing and one thing only: The fighting in Syria is no longer to anyone’s advantage and must be brought to an end soon.
For the first time, America has recognized Iran's place at the negotiating table in resolving Syria's civil war. Diplomacy between the two sides hinges on understanding what drives Iranian policy.
The meetings this week in Vienna on Thursday and Friday suggest that several significant and positive changes are taking place across several conflict zones and stress points in the Middle East.