Integrating Intersectionality into Humanitarian Aid
A gender lens is not enough to ensure every woman receives the support she needs; considering factors like class and ethnicity are key to designing effective programs
In recent decades, global institutions have realized that humanitarian crises disproportionately affect women and thus adopted a gender perspective which treats the experiences of women, men, boys, and girls as unique categories. Yet, this gender perspective misses other important components of people’s experiences during crises, such as social class, economic conditions, or ethnicity. This leads to aid groups treating women as a homogenous group, overlooking the diversity of experiences shaped by other factors beyond gender.
The concept of “intersectionality” goes beyond just a gender perspective and guides aid organizations in understanding how a myriad of identities informs the individual experience of crisis. First articulated by American civil rights advocate Kimberlé Crenshaw about the experiences of black Americans, intersectionality provides a lens to understand these overlapping identities and the compounded forms of discrimination they produce.
This problem is seen in Yemen, where social constraints and patriarchy dictate women’s experiences. The armed conflict in Yemen escalated in 2015 when the Saudi-led military coalition of several countries raided the country, citing the need to restore the internationally recognized government following the Ansar Allah takeover of the government’s institutions in September 2014.This situation resulted in significant changes to the control of government structures and territories between the internationally recognized government and Ansar Allah. Consequently, Yemen is experiencing a dire humanitarian crisis, further compounded by its status as one of the poorest countries in the Middle East.
The conflict has disproportionately affected women, exacerbating pre-existing gender inequalities in a country ranked 149th out of 156 countries according to the Gender Gap report published by the World Economic Forum in 2021. Women bear the brunt of the conflict’s consequences. The impact is evident in the percentage of displacement among women and children, who constitute 77% of the total inside displacement. This displacement brings significant hardships, forcing them to struggle with securing food and shelter for themselves and their families.
My research paper with co-authors Suat Yan Lai and John Pinto, Beyond Gender: The Complexities of Women’s Access to Humanitarian Aid in Yemen, examined the experiences of 32 women-headed households in the Hajjah and Abyan governorates. The results indicated a need for policymakers to design humanitarian programmes to be more inclusive, fair, and better suited to meet the needs of those who are most often overlooked by acknowledging the complex social realities marginalized people face.
Limitations of Gender Mainstreaming
Gender mainstreaming achieved significant results in acknowledging the distinct needs of men, women, boys, and girls. Nevertheless, it frequently fails to take into account the intracategorical disparities among women. For instance, in Yemen, Muhammasheen women (a marginalized minority racial group) are typically also illiterate and economically disadvantaged, so they face distinct challenges that are not adequately addressed by gender-sensitive policies.They are usually excluded from education, deprived of civil documentation, and systematically denied work prospects in both governmental and private sectors. Their social standing as Muhamasheen frequently precludes them from obtaining humanitarian aid, despite their dire needs.
This issue was seen in our research, which examined a humanitarian programme implemented in Yemen by a highly ranked donor, referred to in the study as the International Donor Agency (IDA) to protect its privacy.
The programme aimed to enhance the resilience of conflict-affected communities in six Yemeni governorates. Out of the six, we chose to study Hajjah and Abyan, because they were more accessible and posed fewer safety risks, especially since some other governorates were active frontlines for conflict. The Enhanced Resilience Programme (ERP) was designed to support vulnerable people, including women-headed households, through two main components: a livelihood component and a solar energy provision component.
While the program aimed to empower women economically and improve their access to resources, its implementation revealed significant gaps due to the absence of an intersectional approach. The experiences of 32 women interviewed across Hajjah and Abyan governorates offer critical insights into how intersecting factors—gender, class, race, education, and cultural norms—shaped their access to humanitarian aid.
1. Bias Selection and Patronage Networks
One of the main findings was the biased selection process for aid beneficiaries. Although the ERP aimed to include vulnerable women-headed households, the selection was largely influenced by community leaders, who are predominantly male and belong to non-marginalized social classes. This reliance on patriarchal structures led to the inclusion of women who were relatively better off due to their direct or indirect social connection with those community leaders—while excluding those who were socially marginalized or had limited social connections.
Many women reported that they were selected through personal connections rather than implementing the IDA’s criteria. For example, some beneficiaries admitted they were registered by friends or relatives who had ties to local leaders. This patronage system not only undermined the program’s equity but also perpetuated existing social hierarchies, leaving the most vulnerable women largely excluded.
2. Misalignment of Aid with Practical and Strategic Needs
The livelihood component of the ERP included cash-for-work (CFW) activities, namely entrepreneurial training and seed grants for microbusinesses. However, some of the women-headed households used their cash to meet immediate survival needs—such as buying food and cooking gas—rather than investing in long-term income-generating activities. This reflects the reality that for women living in extreme poverty, practical needs often take precedence over strategic needs.
The program’s assumption that destitute women-headed households could save part of their earnings for future business proved unrealistic for those facing daily economic hardship. This misalignment between program design and lived realities highlights the need for aid models that are flexible and responsive to varying levels of vulnerability.
3. Educational Barriers and Marginalization of Illiterate Women
Some of the women beneficiaries were illiterate and thus faced significant challenges in accessing and benefiting from the ERP. Training sessions were often not adapted to their needs and the business models offered to them required literacy and numeracy skills they did not possess.
Moreover, the solar energy component of the ERP included technical training that many illiterate women could not follow. In some cases, male relatives attended the training on behalf of female beneficiaries, reinforcing gender norms and limiting women’s direct engagement with the technology. The lack of female trainers further exacerbated this exclusion, as cultural norms in Yemen restrict women’s interaction with male instructors.
4. Cultural and Societal Constraints on Women’s Participation
Cultural norms in Yemen, particularly in conservative regions like Abyan, impose strict limitations on women’s mobility and public engagement. Women are often expected to remain within the domestic sphere and require a mahram (male guardian) to travel. These constraints made it difficult for programme implementers to find women consultants and trainers to mentor and support the women’s microbusinesses.
In Abyan, women were only allowed to run home-based businesses and sell products to other women. In addition, the presence of multiple businesses offering the same products in a small village led to market saturation, which reduced profit margin and made it challenging for any of the women’s microbusiness to grow. Public-facing enterprises were deemed inappropriate and some women faced social stigma for attempting to engage in economic activities.
In contrast, women in Hajjah were more engaged in opening physical shops and selling behind the counters. This shows the diversity of culture and the social norms across Yemen, indicating that humanitarian actors should not implement ‘one-size-fits-all’ interventions in Yemen.
5. Reinforcement of Traditional Gender Roles
The ERP often unintentionally reinforced existing gender norms rather than challenging them. Cash-for-work activities assigned to women were based on societally acceptable roles, such as cleaning schools or beautifying health centers, regardless of the women’s education or skills. For instance, university-educated women were given menial tasks that did not align with their qualifications or aspirations.
This approach not only limited women’s potential but also perpetuated the notion that their contributions should remain within traditional boundaries. The lack of consultation with women about their interests and capabilities further alienated them from the program’s goals of empowerment and resilience.
Policy Recommendations
In the pursuit of more inclusive and effective humanitarian aid, a series of thoughtful policy reforms are essential. These reforms are not just technical adjustments, they represent a shift in mindset, one that places dignity, equity, and lived experience at the heart of humanitarian response.
Embracing Intersectionality in Humanitarian Policy Reform
Humanitarian organizations must begin to adopt an intersectional lens in their policy and programmes design. This means recognizing that people, especially women, experience crises differently based on overlapping factors such as race, class, education, disability, and cultural norms.
For in-depth understanding of these diverse realities, humanitarian actors should conduct needs assessments which go beyond a gender lens and utilize intersectionality to design programs that are flexible and responsive to the unique identities and experiences of affected populations.
The selection process of the beneficiaries is one of the most crucial and controversial aspects of the humanitarian industry, so the process of selecting beneficiaries must be transparent and inclusive, moving away from systems influenced by patronage or social connections. One way to achieve this is by actively involving female community representatives and grassroots leaders in decision-making. Additionally, implementing anonymous application systems can help reduce bias and ensure that aid reaches those who need it most.
Holistic Approach to Humanitarian Aid
Humanitarian aid should not only address urgent survival needs but also support long-term empowerment. This dual approach involves providing unconditional cash transfers to meet basic necessities, while also offering tailored livelihood support that aligns with individuals’ capacities and aspirations. Moreover, cultural constraints should be addressed proactively, without reinforcing harmful norms. For example, supporting home-based businesses can offer women economic opportunities in contexts where public engagement is restricted. At the same time, promoting community dialogue can help shift perceptions about women’s roles and foster more inclusive attitudes which may help women pursue livelihoods outside of the home.
Future Directions
Yemen’s complex humanitarian landscape has broader relevance for global humanitarian practice. In conflict-affected and culturally diverse contexts, intersectionality offers a powerful tool to improve aid targeting, enhance program effectiveness, and promote equity and justice.
For global humanitarian actors—including UN agencies and NGOs—this means moving beyond the gender sensitive approach. Intersectionality must become a core principle, embedded in every stage of humanitarian responses, alongside gender.

